| Political Science 323 |
Dr. Jose M. Vadi |
| American Ethnic Politics |
Winter 2008 |
|
Announcements |
Of Interest |
Required Texts:
Ronald Takaki, A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America |
Readings on reserve are indicated by an asterisk (*).
If you have any questions or comments, contact Reserve Services
Mon.-Fri., 7:00am-4:00pm. Tel. 909-869-4212
A. Course Description:
In this course we examine the role of ethnicity and race in
the American political system in the United States with an emphasis
on the interplay of ethnicity, race, and class in the competition
for tangible and symbolic resources available in American society.
The focus of the course is on resource competition among African-American,
Latino, Native-American, Asian-American and dominant groups in
the American political arena both in historical perspective
and in the aftermath of the civil rights "revolution"
(1960-to the present). In the present era, the focus of the course is on Latinos
and African Americans. There are fifteen theses (propositions) that will be
explored in this course and these constitute the essential content of the
course. These theses are attached to this outline and constitute a summary of
the course.
This course employs a structural analysis of America's political
economy that transcends race and ethnicity. It is grounded on
the premise that race and ethnicity are social constructions of
reality and that these constructions are related to class inequalities. What are labeled "race
problems" are, to a significant degree, class problems as
well. After quickly examining dominant racial and ethnic patterns
of stratification and how and why they were established, we examine
the contemporary backlash to "the civil rights revolution."
A counterpoint ideology to the New Deal that links race to activist
government, regulation, and taxes, has helped to fragment American
politics and has led to increased ethnic and racial polarization.
Both major American political parties have abandoned a progressive agenda once
known as "the civil rights agenda" and both assume that the
basic barriers to "racial progress" have been removed. Thus, it is now fashionable to use the terms "post-civil rights
era" to describe the present.
Along with the restructuring of the American economy away from
manufacturing, growing polarization has had devastating consequences
for the poorest segments of ethnic minority communities and has
given rise to an "underclass" in our urban centers that is
defined by its economic irrelevance given the transition of the economy away
from manufacturing. The
defensive, survival-oriented response of this underclass to its dismal conditions
of existence has increased the prison population and made prison
construction a major growth industry. The nature and consequences
of the decline of manufacturing, technological change, and its
impact on ethnic and racial groups is a major theme of this course
as part of a structural analysis of American politics of which
race is an important albeit not exclusive part.
You must be prepared to read a significant amount of material
especially in the early part of the course where we cover how
American racial and ethnic patterns emerged. As this is a rigorous
examination of the role of race and ethnicity in American politics,
no one should presume to be "an expert" simply by having
a view of these matters or simply by being a member of an ethnic group. Indeed, one of the difficulties in this
course is that many bring to it presumed "ethnic or racial agendas." You
can expect to have these challenged at one time or other in the
course. In short, this is not an easy course but rather an
analytical examination of variables of increasing complexity,
as what was once treated as a black-white debate has now become
a multiracial/multi-ethnic debate as a result of the growing diversity
of American society and politics.
B. Grading Policy:
Grades will be based on performance on midterm and final essay
examinations as well as on an essay consisting of an analysis debates on
controversial issues in the Congressional Quarterly Researcher reader. Grades are computed as follows:
Midterm..................35% |
1. The midterm and final exams are in-class essay exams. You will need blue books for both
exams.
2. The reflection paper will be based on reading in the Congressional
Quarterly's Issues in Race, Ethnicity, and Gender. You are to take either
the section on race (chapters 1 through 8) or the section on ethnicity and
immigration (chapters 9 through 12) and do the following:
-review five (5) of the chapter essays in the section;
-take a position on the debate issues raised in each chapter making sure that
you use the data provided in the chapter in framing your response;
-conclude the reflection paper with a personal statement on the political
implications of the readings you have analyzed. What do the readings
reveal about "progress" or lack of progress by racial and ethnic
groups in America? What new challenges do these groups confront? What did you
learn about the strengths and/or shortcomings of the American political system
in redressing inequities based on ethnicity and race?
The reflection paper should be eight (8) pages in length, typed,
double-spaced, with one inch margins. The eight pages do not include the endnotes that
document your essay. For an aid in documenting your essay, see
Kate Turabian, A Manual for Writers. For an aid in style and good
writing, refer to Strunk and White, The Elements of Style. The reflection paper is due on the last day of class
before finals week. No
exceptions will be made to this due date. Of course, you may decide to
submit the paper at an earlier date.
3. There will be four short quizzes to test understanding of the reading. These
quizzes will be given every second Thursday (weeks 2, 4, 6, 8) and they will be
of 15 minutes duration. The dates for the quizzes will be sent to you via
e-mail. There will be no make-up exams for quizzes.
Make-up exams for midterm or final will not be granted without a medical note showing
that it was impossible for you to take the exam on the date scheduled.
All make-ups will be taken the day after the exam that was missed. Incompletes
are not granted routinely in this course. Only a verifiable and compelling
medical problem will constitute the basis for an Incomplete and these are
granted at the discretion of the instructor. Incompletes will require the
signing of a contract that establishes the terms for completing the course and
removing the Incomplete. The final exam will be given as listed in the university exam
schedule.
C. Class Attendance:
Class attendance is important and will be reflected in your
grade. Class attendance is taken daily via an attendance sheet that is
circulated in class. Poor attendance consists of three or more unexcused absences. Please
arrange your personal affairs (work, child care, requirements
in other classes) in such a manner that you do not miss class.
By remaining in this class, you agree to "block out"
your schedule during the time the class meets. To
get credit for attendance, you should be there for the required
length of time (1 hr and 50 minutes). In other words, I will consider "cameo appearances"
as absences. You will also be marked absent if you do not
return from the class "break" after the first hour.
Should you have an emergency that requires you to leave class
before the established time, please consult with me at the beginning
of the class. You should not
expect to be rewarded for coming to class because it is your obligation
to be here. Please do not ask me to grant leave of this class
to accommodate other classes. You are expected to do the reading
as assigned in order to participate in class. As there is a significant
amount of reading, you must keep up or risk falling behind and
doing poorly in your exams. You must be prepared to make a serious
effort in order to obtain a decent grade in this class.
D. Class Decorum-
1. Please do not operate cell phones or beepers in class as they
are disruptive and you should not be conducting any other business
in class;
2. All students
are to show respect to one another and to refrain from personal
attacks. However, I encourage you to critique or accept ideas
and to use your critical judgment as not all ideas have equal
validity. But you should expect your ideas to be challenged and, at a minimum, you will be asked for the factual
and logical basis in support
of your ideas.
3. Basic civility (manners) is a requirement in this class. Distracting the
class, sleeping or knapping in class, showing disrespect to the instructor or to
other students, constant leaving and returning to class, performing work for
other classes during this class are not accepted. You will be asked to leave the
class for such behaviors and be marked absent.
Readings
Introduction: Perspectives on Ethnicity and American Politics; Primordial and Instrumental Approaches.
A. The Origins and Evolution of American Racial Patterns: Race
and Class
Takaki, chapters 1,2 and 3 (pp. 1-79) |
| 1. The Native American Experience |
Takaki, pp. 79-84 and "The Market Revolution," chapters 4 and 9 (include pp. 225-228) |
| 2. The African-American Experience |
Takaki, chapters 5 and 13 |
| 3. The Mexican-American Experience |
Takaki, chapters 7 and 12 |
| 4. The Asian-American Experience |
Takaki, chapters 8 and 10 |
Takaki, Part Four: Crossings |
|
| Raphael J. Sonenshein, "Post-Incorporation Politics in Los Angeles," in Browning et al, |
| chapter 2. |
Richard E. DeLeon, "San Francisco: The Politics of Race, Land Use and
Ideology
Browning et al, chapter 6.
3. Biracial Coalitions and Ethnic Politics (East Coast)
Richard A. Kaiser, "Philadelphia's Evolving Biracial Coalition," in
Browning et al,
chapter 3.
John Mollenkopf, "New York: Still the Great Anomoly," in Browing et
al,
chapter 4.
4. Latinos in Local Politics
| Christopher Warren and Dario Moreno, "Power Without a Program: Hispanic Incorporation in |
| Miami," in Browning et al, chapter 10. |
5. Strategies and Prospects for Multiracial Coalitions
Browning et al, chapters 12 and 13
E. Conclusion: Issues in Race, Ethnicity, and Contemporary American Politics
Race
1. Race and Affirmative Action (Congressional Quarterly,
Chapters 1 and 2)
2. Redistricting and School Desegregation
(Congressional Quarterly, chapters 3 and 4)
3. "Katrina," Rebuilding New Orleans, and
Environmental Justice (Congressional Quarterly, chapters 7 and 8)
Ethnicity and Immigration
4. "Latinos" and Native Americans
(Congressional Quarterly, chapters 10 and 12)
5. Immigration and the "Gang Crisis" (Congressional Quarterly, chapters
9 and 11)
*Samuel Huntington, "The
Hispanic Challenge," Foreign Policy, March/April 2004.
Where appropriate (and time permitting), we will view videos such as
"Throwaway People--Shaw, Washington D.C.," "A House
Divided," "School Colors," "Eyes on the Prize" and
documentary videos on the Chicano
Movement.
Office Hrs. |
E-mail: jmvadi@csupomona.edu (off campus) or jmvadi (on
campus)
Website: http://www.intranet.csupomona.edu/~jmvadi
______________________________________________________________________________________
1. Race is a social construction of reality as there is only one race—the human race;
2. Ethnic identities are flexible and can be altered and changed;
3.Cultural markers are used to label alleged attributes of groups in order to mark their status as either superior or inferior;
4. What passes for racial or ethnic conflict usually involves some form of resource competition;
5. In America, race and ethnicity have been used to mask class conflict and to divide lower class groups in ways that maintain the existing distribution of power and status;
6. Political elites in America have not tended not to view racial inequality as a moral issue but more as a political issue that they address only if it does not threaten their power;
7. Generally, federal government has provided more support for equality of minorities than state and local governments;
8. Only recently in American history (since the 1930’s but more in the 50’s and 60’s) has the federal government assumed any responsibility to end discrimination based on race, ethnicity, and national origin;
9.What progress racial and ethnic minorities have made has been the fruit of coalitions between progressive whites and minorities (particularly in the case of black Americans) even though those coalitions were fragile coalitions;
10. Coalitions with progressive whites has led to “political incorporation” of blacks in cities but seldom have blacks been a part of the “regime” that runs cities (the economic elite combined with political elites);
11. Political incorporation has benefited mostly the black and minority middle classes and downtown business interests with little advancement for the most disadvantaged sectors of minority communities;
12. The American political system is evolving from a predominantly bi-racial process of political struggle (blacks and whites) to a multi-racial process of struggle with the mass wave of immigration from Latin America and from Asia. Moreover, there is a growing internal conflict within black communities involving both ideology and class within the black communities (e.g., the case of Philadelphia). Moreover, there is a conflict between immigrant black groups and native black groups (native blacks vs. Haitians in Florida, vs. Jamaicans in New York). These struggles reveal that what is alleged to be racial and ethnic conflict has much to do with resource competition. Increasingly, there is competition between blacks and Latino groups (case of Los Angeles and the unique case of Cubans in Florida vs. blacks in Miami-Dade metro area). This suggests that in a political sense, the notion of “persons of color” is a social construction of reality that papers over differences. The notion lacks political meaning and an ideological construct ( a wish and not a reality);
13. American political institutions have gone as far as they are going to go in accommodating to political and economic demands of minorities. In fact, the Congress, Presidency, and federal courts are retrenching (moving backwards) in areas such as affirmative action, redistricting that advances chances of minorities to be elected to office, the rights of defendants, and welfare. Current Supreme Court appointments will reinforce these trends;
14. In light of what is described in proposition #13 above, the instructor doubts that much further “progress” can be made within the existing political and economic dispensation in America. To make further progress, America will have to move towards social democracy. Social democracy rests on the state insuring a minimal economic standard for all citizens and provision of basic services (e.g., health care) as a fundamental right of citizenship;
15. To move from “savage capitalism”—based on dog-eat-dog survival of the fittest-- to social democracy will require a struggle across racial and ethnic lines based on broad coalitions of minorities, poor whites, insecure elements of the middle class, organized workers, senior citizens—in short, all who work for a living and who are ravaged by the forces of corporate greed and the politicians who feed that corporate greed. SUCH A BROAD COALITION IS THE ONLY COALITION THAT CAN CHANGE THE AMERICAN POLITICAL LANDSCAPE IN THE DIRECTION OF SOCIAL DEMOCRACY. NARROW IDENTITY POLITICS WORKS AGAINST SUCH A NEEDED COALITION.